The Coast's Great Leap
VOLUME 19, NUMBER 2, FALL 2004 PDF
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The Coast's Great Leap
is too fast? In a single generation, the South Carolina coast has been
Over the past 25
years, the South Carolina coast has experienced the most explosive social
and economic changes since the end of the Civil War.
Many barrier islands
and other near-coast areas are turning into the exclusive domain of out-of-towners,
second-home owners, and the well-to-do. Skyrocketing land costs, property
taxes, and hazard-insurance premiums squeeze local folks who live near
the coast. Sleepy villages have been transformed into “boomburgs,”
a term coined to describe explosively growing suburbs. Former tobacco
and tomato fields are being overrun with condos and golf courses. And
development continues to race inland beyond the coastal-zone region into
tidal freshwater locations.
is exclusive because the land values are so high,” says Chris Brooks,
deputy commissioner of the state Office of Ocean and Coastal Resource
Management (OCRM). “The immediate coast has been pretty much built
out, so people are moving far up the watersheds into freshwater areas.
There are large developments farther inland than we’ve seen before,
but a lot of the jobs are located down on the coast where the tourists
Each weekday, a morning tide
of commuters ebbs down to the booming communities and resorts of the South
Carolina coast, followed hours later by an evening tide that floods back
to the suburbs stretching for miles through the pinelands of the new inland
is becoming scarcer near the shore, says Rick Estee, owner and president
of Meridian Builders based in Mount Pleasant. “A lot of builders
and developers are taking their show on the road to areas farther inland
because there’s so much land out there, and they can get permits.
If people want affordable housing, they are having to commute to get to
it.” The next retirement trend, says Estee, is empty nesters selling
their high-value coastal homes and moving inland, holding on to the difference
to pay for living expenses.
From 1990 to 2000,
U.S. “near-coast” areas—zip codes closest to the shoreline—had
35 percent job growth but only 11 percent population growth. Why?
“In near-coast areas,
most new jobs are in the relatively low-wage tourism industry, but these
places are also where you have the highest-priced real estate, and growing
numbers of workers can’t afford to live there,” says Charles
Colgan, a University of Southern Maine economist who has been studying
coastal demographics and economics for the U.S. Commission on Ocean Policy.
The commission’s September 2004 report is the most comprehensive
national assessment of U.S. ocean policy since the 1969 Stratton Commission’s.
Commissioners describe many
coastal regions as battered by sprawling development that degrades estuaries
and wetlands, by urban and farm runoff laden with contaminants, and by
poor planning that puts growing numbers of people at risk from hurricanes.
In South Carolina’s new
coastal economy, some traditional marine-related jobs such as fishing,
shipbuilding and ship repair have declined. Yet other job sectors are
hot: tourism, insurance, real estate, finance, port-related wholesale
trade, retail trade, and health care. During the 1990s, almost one out
of every four net new civilian jobs in South Carolina was located in just
two coastal counties—Charleston and Horry, according to a 2002 study
by Clemson University economists Mark S. Henry and David L. Barkley.
The South Carolina coast is
prospering because of long-term shifts in global and national economies,
says Barkley. “We’re so productive now that we need fewer
people to produce goods that society needs, and at the same time people
have more income that they spend on health care and leisure. The South
Carolina coast has benefited from this shift.”
More Americans are
fleeing older, cold-weather cities for the amenities of warm-weather seaside
communities. “Amenities are very important in today’s economy
in attracting both people and jobs,” says Barkley.
So who benefits most
from coastal growth? “Rich people—the developers and bankers,”
says Lauriston R. King, a political scientist at East Carolina University,
in Greenville, N.C.
“Realtors and mortgage
brokers benefit—and also workers in industries that offer services
to the older, wealthy people moving into the area,” adds Al Parish,
an economist at Charleston Southern University. “People providing
assisted-living services are doing very well.”
Other winners include
many local residents, who largely benefit from being in a vibrant, growing
economy, says Colgan. It wasn’t long ago that the South Carolina
coastal economy was weak, and good jobs were hard to find.
Many homeowners who
have owned coastal properties for years are now equity-rich, though rising
property taxes and insurance premiums can threaten their ability to stay
in their homes.
Most tourism occupations
offer low wages—averaging $16,000 a year nationally—but Charleston’s
service jobs in port-related operations, health-care research facilities,
and the defense sector often pay as well as those in manufacturing, says
beach towns and coastal historic cities are growing wealthier—and
grayer. According to 2000 census figures, families with young children
fled some downtown Charleston neighborhoods during the 1990s, because
housing prices and property taxes became astronomically high.
In the near-coast
areas of the Charleston region, the number of households increased from
1990 to 2000, while the population in those areas fell significantly.
Says Barkley: “You have households with one or two members moving
in, and households with kids moving out to the non-coastal areas.”
In June, Marjory
Wentworth, South Carolina’s poet laureate, her husband Peter, a
producer of films and commercials, and their three children moved from
Sullivan’s Island to Mount Pleasant. Maintenance costs pushed them
out of their pre-Civil War home, which they sold to pay for their eldest
son’s college tuition and other pressing family needs.
“When we moved
to Sullivan’s Island in 1989, it was the most affordable house we
saw,” Wentworth said. “Now it’s very different. The
town is allowing enormous houses to be built, but people don’t live
in them full-time. Sullivan’s Island has become a very prestigious
place—a place you come to if you have money. You really have to
be a millionaire now.”
wishes that her family could have stayed on Sullivan’s Island, this
summer turned out to be the right time to move inland. “What a lucky
thing that the value on our Sullivan’s Island home increased, and
what a blessing that we can sell this house and create a good situation
for our family.”
Portions of the near-coast
have become one-dimensional resorts, catering to the wealthy. Indeed,
some coastal communities around the country are turning, in the words
of author and planner William Fulton, into “one big Monaco where
the rich play and somehow find a place to house the people they need to
provide them with service.”
Bill Mabry, a Mount Pleasant
retiree, is considering a move from his three-bedroom house to a condominium
or townhouse 25 or 30 miles inland because of rising property taxes and
insurance premiums near the coast. “The costs keep going up, up,
up, and you can’t do anything about it.”
Since the 1970s, waves of African-American
families have relocated from the coast. Some families made profits by
selling their property to developers, but others were forced out by rising
taxes and a lack of property titles. It has been common for African-American
extended families along the coast to own land collectively as “heirs’
property.” A dozen or more family members would jointly inherit
a single property without a will or clear title. After successive generations,
ownership would become confused in the view of courts and local government.
Because it was unclear who was the owner of record, no one paid property
taxes in many cases, and lands were lost. Some heirs who lived in New
York and other distant places sought to sell off valuable coastal property,
and as a result local family members were displaced.
Nancy Butler, a bookkeeper
at Rural Missions, Inc., a nonprofit organization, is worried about suburban
growth on Johns Island and rising property taxes on her five-acre home
property. But she knows change can bring opportunities, too. As a girl,
she worked long hours in the tomato fields. Island farms have since disappeared,
but local people have found jobs on nearby resorts. “If development
brings work to the island, then I welcome it. Development is not going
The coastal economic
boom since the 1980s has undoubtedly improved living standards and educational
opportunities for some African-American families. The late Charles E.
Fraser, developer of Sea Pines on Hilton Head Island, often pointed out
that coastal land sales enabled dozens of African-American families to
send their children through college.
A $9.5 billion industry in
South Carolina, coastal tourism commands an army of workers—waiters,
construction foremen, gardeners, carpenters, chefs, hotel clerks and managers.
But few workers can afford
to live on resort islands. Instead of looking for housing on Hilton Head
Island, for example, many find homes in flourishing new mainland suburbs
like Bluffton, in Beaufort County. Resort workers have found relatively
inexpensive apartments there. It also attracts professionals who live
in gated subdivisions and commute to managerial jobs on Hilton Head.
In the early 1990s,
Bluffton, with 700 residents and a dusty, down-at-the-heels charm, was
peaceably lost among the pines. Its isolation did not last, however. The
town is located 20 miles from Hilton Head beaches and 20 miles from Savannah,
smack in the middle of one of the fastest-growing corridors in the state.
In an effort to manage
its own growth, Bluffton annexed 48 square miles of land from the county
and permitted 16,500 homes since 1998. “The annexation committee
could see growth moving off the island,” says Bluffton mayor Hank
Johnston, “and it was inevitable that it was going to develop out
here, and Bluffton needed a say as to what happened.”
The next growth wave
will hit Hardeeville, in Jasper County, 20 miles farther inland, says
Johnston. Hardeeville (pop. 2,600) is in the process of annexing 11.5
square miles to accommodate and manage this emerging development.
As metro areas sprawl
across watersheds, they gobble huge amounts of land. Between 1973 and
1994, the Charleston area saw a 255 percent increase in urbanized land,
while the population rose only 41 percent, according to a study by Jeffrey
S. Allen, director of the South Carolina Water Resources Center at Clemson
University’s Strom Thurmond Institute. Much of this growth has spread
inland along Interstate 26 and throughout the watershed of the Ashley,
Cooper, and Wando rivers.
degraded when open spaces in a watershed are developed without measures
to control runoff pollution. “As more and more people move into
the coastal region, we are changing its water quality,” says Geoff
Scott, director of the NOAA-National Ocean Service Center for Coastal
Environmental Health and Biomolecular Research in Charleston.
Over the past decade, regions
near ocean and Great Lakes coasts have been the country’s most dynamic
economic force. Coastal states accounted for more than three-quarters
of the U.S. economy in 2000, measured by gross domestic product, according
to Colgan of the University of Southern Maine. Not only that, state-defined
coastal-zone counties accounted for one-third of U.S. gross domestic product
From America’s colonial
beginnings, coastal cities were the powerhouses of its economy. The nation’s
most important financial centers—Boston, New York, Philadelphia,
and Charleston—were founded on Atlantic sea harbors. Later, New
Orleans and Mobile flourished on the Gulf of Mexico. In the 1830s, Chicago
and Cleveland on the Great Lakes became dominant cities, transporting
goods via the Erie Canal to the Hudson River and New York harbor. Today,
West Coast port cities trade with Pacific Rim nations.
St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Memphis,
Cincinnati, and Minneapolis-St. Paul were built on a foundation of wealth
from barge traffic carrying commodities along the Mississippi and Ohio
rivers to the sea, and these river cities still depend, to some degree,
on global trade via seaports.
“Our oceans and coasts
are among the chief pillars of our nation’s wealth and economic
well-being,” noted the ocean commission’s report. Even so,
Colgan’s project is the first comprehensive study of economic and
social changes along U.S. coastlines.
provided “a way of looking at economic and social factors more systematically
and rigorously than we have had in the past,” says commissioner
Marc J. Hershman, an ocean policy professor at the University of Washington.
“It’s not just a question of runoff and pollution and loss
of fisheries and seagrasses, which are important issues. We also need
to look at the people who live along the coast, who create a lot of the
pressures but who also have the capability of restoring it. We need to
think more about the communities along the coast, and their dynamics.”
According to Colgan’s
study, many jobs vanished in goods-producing sectors related to the ocean
during the 1990s: shipbuilding and ship repair, commercial fishing, offshore
oil and gas production, and marine transportation, according to the report.
These sectors had sharp declines in direct employment, and their wage
growth fell behind those of other national sectors. These job losses in
ocean-related, goods-producing sectors, by the way, mirror changes in
the national economy.
Shipbuilding lost much of its
place in the U.S. economy after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Through the 1980s, the United
States pursued a massive naval expansion as part of a Cold War strategy
to apply pressure on the Soviet Union. Nearly all ship building in the
United States was—and is—done for the Navy. In November 1989,
however, the Berlin Wall fell, spelling the end of the Cold War. Over
the next decade, numerous major Navy shipyards and Navy bases—including
Charleston’s—were shut down, and U.S. shipbuilding and ship-repair
employment declined 37 percent.
In the early 1990s there were
three shipyards in the Charleston area. Now there is only one—Detyens
Shipyard, but it has prospered. In the early 1990s, Detyens had about
300 workers. After the Navy left, Detyens took over three drydocks at
the North Charleston facility and now has 600 employees, plus another
600 substitute and temporary workers. Still, Detyens faces intense pressure
from overseas competitors, says executive vice-president Loy Stewart,
Jr. “We compete against shipyards all over the world that are subsidized
by their governments and have cheaper labor.”
U.S. shipyards, which nationally
employ 35,000 workers, have complained for years that they are losing
repair work to foreign shipyards that operate with less regulation and
Commercial fishing meanwhile
has endured a boom-to-bust cycle. During the 1970s and 1980s, U.S. fishery
catches expanded dramatically. Greater numbers of American fishing vessels
and fishermen plied U.S. waters than ever before. By 1990, however, many
commercial fisheries had collapsed under this pressure, leading to severe
regulations intended to bring them back to health. Fishery regulations
in many cases were too little, too late. International competition from
overseas fishermen and aquaculture further hammered domestic fishermen.
Jobs in U.S. seafood processing, which reflect trends in seafood harvesting,
declined 11 percent during the 1990s.
In the 1990s, Eddie
Gordon co-owned a 700-foot fishing dock in McClellanville, where up to
80 boats once tied up, adjacent to his crab-processing plant that employed
50 people. Now the dock and plant are gone. Two years ago, Gordon and
his partner, Rutledge Leland, sold the property, which was turned into
a housing development. “We had lost so many boats in the fishing
fleet,” says Gordon, “there wasn’t a need for the tie-up
In offshore oil and gas production,
improved technologies caused an 11 percent drop in jobs from 1990 to 2000.
Finally, automation and the growing use of containers in marine shipping
reduced the number of dockworkers and other shipping employees by almost
one-third over the same decade.
employment sectors have been outstripped by tourism and recreation, which
saw job growth of more than 40 percent during the 1990s.
Coastal tourism in
the South is no longer strictly seasonal. Charleston draws tourists year-round.
The Grand Strand, once only a summer resort, is a 12-month attraction.
South Carolina’s coastal tourism draws billions in revenue each
year, supports local businesses that employ thousands, and provides tax
monies that benefit the state budget.
Yet the loss of fishermen and
other traditional marine-related workers “has impoverished more
of the coastal population and led to less diversity in the economy,”
says Kathi Kitner, a cultural anthropologist with the South Atlantic Fishery
Management Council, which manages fisheries in federal waters from North
Carolina to the Florida Keys. “This is a big problem, because diversified
economies are healthier.”
Tourism remains the largest
industry in the Charleston area, creating a $5 billion total economic
Port-related industries, though,
have a much larger economic impact along the coast than many realize.
The Charleston port, one of the world’s most efficient, was responsible
for 55,000 Charleston-metro jobs and a total local economic impact of
$3.3 billion in 2002, according to Al Parish of Charleston Southern University.
A few decades ago, many port-related
jobs required heavy lifting, but many of those been replaced by occupations
demanding sophisticated knowledge and problem solving. “The world
of brokers, traders, customs and legal firms, the homeland security industry,
dredging companies, and business services is growing very, very rapidly
in port cities around the country,” says Hershman of the University
In South Carolina, it is the
piedmont region (Greenville, Spartanburg, and Anderson counties) that
had by far the most jobs from port-related jobs—two-and-a-half times
more (144,000) in 2002 than the Charleston-metro area had. That’s
because the piedmont is the manufacturing center of the state.
“In the piedmont,
there are the BMWs and the Michelins and others that send a large amount
of their product through the port,” says Parish. “These companies
wouldn’t be (in South Carolina), at least in their present capacity,
if not for the port.”
In November 2002, the Board
of the South Carolina Department of Health and Environmental Control established
a 19-member Council on Coastal Futures to document priority issues relating
to coastal-zone management and to recommend actions, programs, and measures
to improve it.
In a May 2004 final
report, the council endorsed an agenda to “balance property rights
with conservation goals by developing and implementing a combination of
regulatory and incentive-based programs.”
The council called for protecting
freshwater wetlands, improving coordination among regulatory agencies,
managing stormwater, and limiting proliferation of docks and marinas.
The council has also endorsed the principle that OCRM should assume more
direct permitting authority over the full eight coastal counties.
“We already see subdivisions
with docks far back in the freshwater areas with the same kinds of impacts
that we see down here on the coast,” says Chris Brooks of OCRM.
“The impacts are clearly moving inland and we need ways to address
Coastal South Carolina will
prosper over the near term, economists say, as the national economy continues
to shift to services and information-based industries, and as Americans
enjoy the wealth to travel and buy second homes.
The lowcountry’s competitive
advantages include a beautiful natural environment, plus comparatively
less traffic and a lower cost of living than giant northern metro areas.
The coast, however, could lose these advantages over the longer-term.
“South Carolina coastal
communities will continue to do well as long as they maintain the quality
of life,” says Barkley of Clemson. “But if the growth leads
to congestion, very high housing prices, and degradation of public services,
then all of this in the long run could ruin what attracted people in the
The South Carolina coast was
late to prosper from its geographic advantages. By the last decades of
the twentieth century, however, crucial elements fell into place: air-conditioning
became more widely available and affordable, the Charleston port became
far more efficient, and Americans had more money to travel to beach resorts.
The boom was on.
In one generation, global trade
and tourism transformed the South Carolina coast’s distinctive culture.
Yet the transformation is not over. For better or worse, the coast during
the next generation is poised to change even faster than any other time
in its history.
are changing at a blistering place, but resource managers are struggling
to respond, shackled by government’s fractured system of responsibility
and authority over coastal and marine ecosystems, according to the U.S.
Commission on Ocean Policy.
A confusing stew of 140 federal
laws governs ocean policy, involving more than a dozen federal agencies
that often fail to consult with one another.
The country’s oceans
and coasts, the commission points out, have been grossly undervalued,
poorly understood, and inadequately managed, “compromising the health
of (these) systems and diminishing our ability to fully realize their
Governments generally regulate each marine and coastal sector separately—assuming
sectors are regulated at all. Local and state agencies, moreover, manage
resources according to traditional political boundaries, not according
to ecosystem boundaries.
Dozens of agencies
and jurisdictions, often working separately, are responsible for managing
land uses and impacts in coastal watersheds and related offshore marine
areas. “Agencies seem to be operating in isolation, and at times
at cross purposes,” says Timothy Beatley, who teaches urban and
environmental planning at the University of Virginia.
The nation needs a focused
ocean and coastal policy, according to the commissioners. They propose
that Congress create a National Oceans Council, reporting to the president,
to open lines of communication among various agencies.
Commissioners also propose
volunteer councils at the regional level. “I hope,” says commissioner
Marc J. Hershman, an ocean policy professor at the University of Washington,
“that a new national council would stimulate and give encouragement
and seed grants to regions that want to develop some kind of regional
approach to their coastal and marine issues.”
Regional councils would provide
more of a “big picture” for resource managers. Each region
would determine what its own most important problems are, and work to
Throughout its report, the
commission strongly endorses “ecosystem-based management.”
By taking this strategy, resource managers recognize that there are various
components—physical, biological, chemical, and human—of an
moreover, calls for an interdisciplinary approach, including scientists,
resource managers, and local residents. Another key component is that
management should cross government’s jurisdictional lines.
“We did look at the spread
of folks up the watersheds,” says commissioner Paul Sandifer, senior
scientist for NOAA’s National Centers for Coastal Ocean Science,
“and I think that’s part of the reason why you see the huge
emphasis on trying to connect the activities in the coastal zone right
out into the deep ocean. We’re trying to recommend that the watersheds
be connected to the coastal and ocean systems in regional planning activities.
Increasing suburbanization of the watersheds is clearly related to what
happens to the coast and
A COASTAL NATION: Why is the United States such a rich country?
It has a free-market economy,
a skilled and adaptable workforce, excellent universities, and political
and social freedoms, to name a few obvious reasons. But one often-overlooked
reason, some experts say, is that the United States is blessed with thousands
of miles of coastline and numerous seaports.
Landlocked regions, wrote eighteenth-century
economist Adam Smith, are fated to struggle economically because of their
distance from the ocean and their lack of navigable rivers to carry goods
between inland cities and the coast. In Smith’s day, the most explosively
profitable enterprises relied on sea trade, especially between colonies
and mother countries. Seaports and trading centers that grew up around
them—London, New York, and Charleston—were powerhouses of
economic development. The United States, from its beginnings, profited
as a seafaring nation, its wealth concentrated near coastlines.
Smith predicted that coastal
communities and those near navigable waters would continue to be much
richer than interior regions. And he argued that landlocked Siberia, central
Asia, and inland Africa were probably doomed to failure, cut off from
the lifeblood of commerce—the sea.
Shouldn’t Adam Smith’s
hypothesis be outdated by now? After all, computer chips, satellites,
cheap air travel, and fiber-optic phone lines are touted for spurring
growth industries and geographic freedom. Many skilled, highly educated
people can supposedly live anywhere, unrestricted by trade centers of
the past. Any day now, droves of workers should realize that they can
leave expensive coastal cities for, say, the wheat country and wind-swept
small towns of North Dakota, where a house can be bought for a song.
The reality, however, is that
a mass migration many hundreds of miles from ocean and Great Lakes coastline
A location within a few hours’
drive of a seaport makes many businesses, especially manufacturers, more
efficient. Industries depend on sea trade to import raw materials and
parts, which are then manufactured or processed into finished products
that can be exported overseas via container ships. Trade by navigable
waterway is easily the cheapest method of transporting goods. Trade via
truck, train, or airplane cannot compete, mile for mile, with sea trade.
Industries located near navigable
waters continue to have a significant transportation cost advantage over
those located far from a major waterway or a seaport, according to a May
2003 study by U.S. Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City economist Jordan
Rappaport and Columbia University economist Jeffrey D. Sachs, who is best-known
for his “shock therapy” to help Poland and Russia recover
economically after the fall of communism.
In recent decades, “quality
of life” considerations have increasingly drawn more people to the
coast. But increased productivity stimulated by sea trade remains the
most important reason why U.S. economic activity is overwhelmingly concentrated
within a short drive of ocean and Great Lakes coasts today, says Rappaport.
“There is very strong
evidence that harbors matter and make a large contribution to productivity,”
says Rappaport. “This is not just something left over from a hundred
GOING TOO FAR?
for local governments to resist development pressures while staying out
of court, says Timothy Beatley, who teaches regional and environmental
planning at the University of Virginia.
Faced with what they
consider intrusive government regulations, property owners and developers
often invoke the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment which says “[N]or
shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.”
issue is always there as a threat from landowners and developers,”
says Beatley, “and it’s so hard (for government) to take charge
and do the kind of long-term planning that’s needed.”
In 1922, U.S. Supreme
Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote, “The general rule at
least is, that while property may be regulated to a certain extent, if
regulation goes too far it will be recognized as a taking.” If a
court determines that a government land-use regulator “goes too
far” in severely limiting or preventing development, then the affected
landowner must be compensated.
Over the past 25
years, the U.S. Supreme Court has attempted to define more clearly what
“goes too far” really means. Yet this remains a complex area
of law, and many local officials are confused about which regulatory measures
would be considered allowable by courts.
also hold significant influence in legislatures, and many state-resource
agencies have faced numerous lawsuits over “takings” compensation
As a result, virtually
every coastal state lacks the political backing to vigorously guide development
barreling up watersheds, says Beatley. “I doubt that any coastal
state has the management capability to ensure the long-term sustainability
of the resource base.”
Limited by court
decisions and state tradition, South Carolina’s land-use regulators
have become, by necessity, cautious of “going too far” in
In one of the greatest
human migrations of modern times, people are flocking to giant urban agglomerations
along shorelines in less-developed countries. This migration makes U.S.
coastal population growth look tame in comparison.
In 1950, New York
City was the planet’s only “megacity,” defined as a
city with more than 10 million people. Now there are 17 megacities around
the globe, and 14 are located in coastal areas. Eleven of today’s
megacities are located in Asia, and the fastest-growing ones are located
in the tropics. The United Nations (UN) Population Division anticipates
four new megacities by 2015, including Tianjin, China; Istanbul, Turkey;
Cairo, Egypt; and Lagos, Nigeria. Each but Cairo is located on coastlines.
The world economy
grew more than fivefold between 1950 and 1990, and the internationalization
of finance, production, and services, plus advances in information technology
and cheap labor, reduced physical boundaries around the world. Cities
such as Sao Paulo, Brazil; Buenos Aires, Argentina; and Jakarta, Indonesia
prospered after deregulation of financial markets, and their urban cores
flourished with port activity and Western-style, high-income commercial
and residential gentrification.
U.S. coastlines are
laggards in comparison. Surprisingly, the population of U.S. coastal counties
actually grew more slowly than inland counties from 1990 to 2002, according
to preliminary results of a U.S. Census Bureau study by statistician Rachel
Franklin. Counties along immediate coastlines grew just 13.3 percent,
while counties inland from NOAA-defined coastal zones grew 18.4 percent.
Booming metro areas such as Atlanta and Las Vegas led the inland population
However, in coastal
states from Virginia to Florida, shoreline counties grew 22.5 percent,
much faster than the national average. The southeastern coastline, therefore,
grew much faster than inland areas.
and Web sites:
Center for Economic
Forecasting at Charleston Southern University. The 2002 Economic Impact
of the South Carolina State Ports Authority, undated. www.scspa.com/community/SPA_EIR.PDF
Henry, Mark S. and
David L. Barkley. The Contribution of the Coast to the South Carolina
Economy. Regional Economic Development Research Laboratory, Clemson
University, September 30, 2002. cherokee.agecon.clemson.edu/redrl_rpt9.pdf
An Ocean Blueprint
for the 21st Century: Final Report of the U.S. Commission on Ocean Policy.
Washington, D.C., Sept. 2004. oceancommission.gov/
and Jeffrey D. Sachs. “The United States as a Coastal Nation.”
Journal of Economic Growth, March 2003.
Department of Health and Environmental Control. Setting a New Course for
the Coast: Final Report of Council on Coastal Futures, May 30, 2004.